Of the True GREATNESS OF KINGDOMS AND ESTATES

THE speech of Themistocles the Athenian,

which was haughty and arrogant, in taking

so much to himself, had been a grave and wise

observation and censure, applied at large to others.

Desired at a feast to touch a lute, he said, He could

not fiddle, but yet he could make a small town, a

great city.  These words (holpen a little with a

metaphor) may express two differing abilities, in

those that deal in business of estate.  For if a true

survey be taken of counsellors and statesmen,

there may be found (though rarely) those which

can make a small state great, and yet cannot fid-

dle; as on the other side, there will be found a great

many, that can fiddle very cunningly, but yet are

so far from being able to make a small state great,

as their gift lieth the other way; to bring a great

and flourishing estate, to ruin and decay.  And cer-

tainly whose degenerate arts and shifts, whereby

many counsellors and governors gain both favor

with their masters, and estimation with the vulgar,

deserve no better name than fiddling; being things

rather pleasing for the time, and graceful to them-

selves only, than tending to the weal and advance-

ment of the state which they serve.  There are also

(no doubt) counsellors and governors which may

be held sufficient (negotiis pares), able to manage

affairs, and to keep them from precipices and

manifest inconveniences; which nevertheless are

far from the ability to raise and amplify an estate

in power, means, and fortune.  But be the workmen

what they may be, let us speak of the work; that

is, the true greatness of kingdoms and estates, and

the means thereof.  An argument fit for great and

mighty princes to have in their hand; to the end

that neither by over-measuring their forces, they

leese themselves in vain enterprises; nor on the

other side, by undervaluing them, they descend to

fearful and pusillanimous counsels.
 
 

The greatness of an estate, in bulk and territory,

doth fall under measure; and the greatness of

finances and revenue, doth fall under computa-

tion.  The population may appear by musters; and

the number and greatness of cities and towns by

cards and maps.  But yet there is not any thing

amongst civil affairs more subject to error, than

the right valuation and true judgment concerning

the power and forces of an estate.  The kingdom of

heaven is compared, not to any great kernel or nut,

but to a grain of mustard-seed: which is one of the

least grains, but hath in it a property and spirit

hastily to get up and spread.  So are there states,

great in territory, and yet not apt to enlarge or

command; and some that have but a small dimen-

sion of stem, and yet apt to be the foundations of

great monarchies.
 
 

Walled towns, stored arsenals and armories,

goodly races of horse, chariots of war, elephants,

ordnance, artillery, and the like; all this is but a

sheep in a lion's skin, except the breed and disposi-

tion of the people, be stout and warlike.  Nay, num-

ber (itself) in armies importeth not much, where

the people is of weak courage; for (as Virgil saith)

It never troubles a wolf, how many the sheep be.

The army of the Persians, in the plains of Arbela,

was such a vast sea of people, as it did somewhat

astonish the commanders in Alexander's army;

who came to him therefore, and wished him to set

upon them by night; and he answered, He would

not pilfer the victory.  And the defeat was easy.

When Tigranes the Armenian, being encamped

upon a hill with four hundred thousand men, dis-

covered the army of the Romans, being not above

fourteen thousand, marching towards him, he

made himself merry with it, and said, Yonder men

are too many for an embassage, and too few for a

fight.  But before the sun set, he found them enow

to give him the chase with infinite slaughter.

Many are the examples of the great odds, between

number and courage; so that a man may truly

make a judgment, that the principal point of great-

ness in any state, is to have a race of military men.

Neither is money the sinews of war (as it is trivially

said), where the sinews of men's arms, in base and

effeminate people, are failing.  For Solon said well

to Croesus (when in ostentation he showed him his

gold), Sir, if any other come, that hath better iron,

than you, he will be master of all this gold.  There-

fore let any prince or state think solely of his forces,

except his militia of natives be of good and valiant

soldiers.  And let princes, on the other side, that

have subjects of martial disposition, know their

own strength; unless they be otherwise wanting

unto themselves.  As for mercenary forces (which

is the help in this case), all examples show, that

whatsoever estate or prince doth rest upon them,

he may spread his feathers for a time, but he will

mew them soon after.
 
 

The blessing of Judah and Issachar will never

meet; that the same people, or nation, should be

both the lion's whelp and the ass between bur-

thens; neither will it be, that a people overlaid

with taxes, should ever become valiant and mar-

tial.  It is true that taxes levied by consent of the

estate, do abate men's courage less: as it hath been

seen notably, in the excises of the Low Countries;

and, in some degree, in the subsidies of England.

For you must note, that we speak now of the heart,

and not of the purse.  So that although the same

tribute and tax, laid by consent or by imposing, be

all one to the purse, yet it works diversely upon the

courage.  So that you may conclude, that no people

overcharged with tribute, is fit for empire.
 
 

Let states that aim at greatness, take heed how

their nobility and gentlemen do multiply too fast.

For that maketh the common subject, grow to be a

peasant and base swain, driven out of heart, and in

effect but the gentleman's laborer.  Even as you

may see in coppice woods; if you leave your stad-

dles too thick, you shall never have clean under-

wood, but shrubs and bushes.  So in countries,  if the

gentlemen be too many, the commons will be base;

and you will bring it to that, that not the hundred

poll, will be fit for an helmet; especially as to the

infantry, which is the nerve of an army; and so

there will be great population, and little strength.

This which I speak of, hath been nowhere better

seen, than by comparing of England and France;

whereof England, though far less in territory and

population, hath been (nevertheless) an over-

match; in regard the middle people of England

make good soldiers, which the peasants of France

do not.  And herein the device of king Henry the

Seventh (whereof I have spoken largely in the

History of his Life) was profound and admirable;

in making farms and houses of husbandry of a

standard; that is, maintained with such a propor-

tion of land unto them, as may breed a subject to

live in convenient plenty and no servile condition;

and to keep the plough in the hands of the owners,

and not mere hirelings.  And thus indeed you shall

attain to Virgil's character which he gives to an-

cient Italy:
 
 
 
 

Terra potens armis atque ubere glebae.
 
 

Neither is that state (which, for any thing I know,

is almost peculiar to England, and hardly to be

found anywhere else, except it be perhaps in

Poland) to be passed over; I mean the state of free

servants, and attendants upon noblemen and

gentlemen; which are no ways inferior unto the

yeomanry for arms.  And therefore out of all ques-

tions, the splendor and magnificence, and great

retinues and hospitality, of noblemen and gentle-

men, received into custom, doth much conduce

unto martial greatness.  Whereas, contrariwise, the

close and reserved living of noblemen and gentle-

men, causeth a penury of military forces.
 
 

By all means it is to be procured, that the trunk

of Nebuchadnezzar's tree of monarchy, be great

enough to bear the branches and the boughs; that

is, that the natural subjects of the crown or state,

bear a sufficient proportion to the stranger sub-

jects, that they govern.Therefore all states that are

liberal of naturalization towards strangers, are fit

for empire.  For to think that an handful of people

can, with the greatest courage and policy in the

world, embrace too large extent of dominion, it

may hold for a time, but it will fail suddenly.  The

Spartans were a nice people in point of naturaliza-

tion; whereby, while they kept their compass,

they stood firm; but when they did spread, and

their boughs were becomen too great for their

stem, they became a windfall, upon the sudden.

Never any state was in this point so open to receive

strangers into their body, as were the Romans.

Therefore it sorted with them accordingly; for

they grew to the greatest monarchy.  Their manner

was to grant naturalization (which they called jus

civitatis), and to grant it in the highest degree; that

is, not only jus commercii, jus connubii, jus haere-

ditatis; but also jus suffragii, and jus honorum.

And this not to singular persons alone, but likewise

to whole families; yea to cities, and sometimes to

nations.  Add to this their custom of plantation of

colonies; whereby the Roman plant was removed

into the soil of other nations.  And putting both

constitutions together, you will say that it was not

the Romans that spread upon the world, but it was

the world that spread upon the Romans; and that

was the sure way of greatness.  I have marvelled,

sometimes, at Spain, how they clasp and contain

so large dominions, with so few natural Spaniards;

but sure the whole compass of Spain, is a very great

body of a tree; far above Rome and Sparta at the

first.  And besides, though they have not had that

usage, to naturalize liberally, yet they have that

which is next to it; that is, to employ, almost indif-

ferently, all nations in their militia of ordinary

soldiers; yea, and sometimes in their highest com-

mands.  Nay, it seemeth at this instant they are

sensible, of this want of natives; as by the Prag-

matical Sanction, now published, appeareth.
 
 

It is certain that sedentary, and within-door

arts, and delicate manufactures (that require

rather the finger than the arm), have, in their na-

ture, a contrariety to a military disposition.  And

generally, all warlike people are a little idle, and

love danger better than travail.  Neither must they

be too much broken of it, if they shall be preserved

in vigor.  Therefore it was great advantage, in the

ancient states of Sparta, Athens, Rome, and others,

that they had the use of slaves, which commonly

did rid those manufactures.  But that is abolished,

in greatest part, by the Christian law.  That which

cometh nearest to it, is to leave those arts chiefly to

strangers (which, for that purpose, are the more

easily to be received), and to contain the principal

bulk of the vulgar natives, within those three

kinds, - tillers of the ground; free servants; and

handicraftsmen of strong and manly arts, as

smiths, masons, carpenters, etc.; not reckoning

professed soldiers.
 
 

But above all, for empire and greatness, it im-

porteth most, that a nation do profess arms, as their

principal honor, study, and occupation.  For the

things which we formerly have spoken of, are but

habilitations towards arms; and what is habilita-

tion without intention and act? Romulus, after his

death (as they report or feign), sent a present to the

Romans, that above all, they should intend arms;

and then they should prove the greatest empire of

the world.  The fabric of the state of Sparta was

wholly (though not wisely) framed and composed,

to that scope and end.  The Persians and Macedo-

nians had it for a flash.  The Gauls, Germans,

Goths, Saxons, Normans, and others, had it for a

time.  The Turks have it at this day, though in great

declination.  Of Christian Europe, they that have it

are, in effect, only the Spaniards.  But it is so

plain, that every man profiteth in that, he most

intendeth, that it needeth not to be stood upon.  It

is enough to point at it; that no nation which doth

not directly profess arms, may look to have great-

ness fall into their mouths.  And on the other side,

it is a most certain oracle of time, that those states

that continue long in that profession (as the Ro-

mans and Turks principally have done) do won-

ders.  And those that have professed arms but for

an age, have, notwithstanding, commonly at-

tained that greatness, in that age, which main-

tained them long after, when their profession and

exercise of arms hath grown to decay.
 
 

Incident to this point is, for a state to have those

laws or customs, which may reach forth unto them

just occasions (as may be pretended) of war.  For

there is that justice, imprinted in the nature of

men, that they enter not upon wars (whereof so

many calamities do ensue) but upon some, at the

least specious, grounds and quarrels.  The Turk

hath at hand, for cause of war, the propagation of

his law or sect; a quarrel that he may always com-

mand.  The Romans, though they esteemed the

extending the limits of their empire, to be great

honor to their generals, when it was done, yet they

never rested upon that alone, to begin a war.  First,

therefore, let nations that pretend to greatness

have this; that they be sensible of wrongs, either

upon borderers, merchants, or politic ministers;

and that they sit not too long upon a provocation.

Secondly, let them be prest, and ready to give aids

and succors, to their confederates; as it ever was

with the Romans; insomuch, as if the confederate

had leagues defensive, with divers other states,

and, upon invasion offered, did implore their aids

severally, yet the Romans would ever be the fore-

most, and leave it to none other to have the honor.

As for the wars which were anciently made, on

the behalf of a kind of party, or tacit conformity of

estate, I do not see how they may be well justified:

as when the Romans made a war, for the liberty of

Grecia; or when the Lacedaemonians and Athe-

nians, made wars to set up or pull down democ-

racies and oligarchies; or when wars were made

by foreigners, under the pretence of justice or pro-

tection, to deliver the subjects of others, from

tyranny and oppression; and the like.  Let it suf-

fice, that no estate expect to be great, that is not

awake upon any just occasion of arming.
 
 

No body can be healthful without exercise,

neither natural body nor politic; and certainly to

a kingdom or estate, a just and honorable war, is

the true exercise.  A civil war, indeed, is like the

heat of a fever; but a foreign war is like the heat of

exercise, and serveth to keep the body in health;

for in a slothful peace, both courages will effemi-

nate, and manners corrupt.  But howsoever it be

for happiness, without all question, for greatness,

it maketh to be still for the most part in arms; and

the strength of a veteran army (though it be a

chargeable business) always on foot, is that which

commonly giveth the law, or at least the reputa-

tion, amongst all neighbor states; as may well be

seen in Spain, which hath had, in one part or other,

a veteran army almost continually, now by the

space of six score years.
 
 

To be master of the sea, is an abridgment of a

monarchy.  Cicero, writing to Atticus of Pompey

his preparation against Caesar, saith, Consilium

Pompeii plane Themistocleum est; putat enim,

qui mari potitur, eum rerum potiri.  And, without

doubt, Pompey had tired out Caesar, if upon vain

confidence, he had not left that way.  We see the

great effects of battles bv sea.  The battle of Actium,

decided the empire of the world.  The battle of Le-

panto, arrested the greatness of the Turk.  There be

many examples, where sea-fights have been final

to the war; but this is when princes or states have

set up their rest, upon the battles.  But thus much

is certain, that he that commands the sea, is at

great liberty, and may take as much, and as little,

of the war as he will.  Whereas those that be strong-

est by land, are many times nevertheless in great

straits.  Surely, at this day, with us of Europe, the

vantage of strength at sea (which is one of the prin-

cipal dowries of this kingdom of Great Britain) is

great; both because most of the kingdoms of Eu-

rope, are not merely inland, but girt with the sea

most part of their compass; and because the wealth

of both Indies seems in great part, but an accessory

to the command of the seas.
 
 

The wars of latter ages seem to be made in the

dark, in respect of the glory, and honor, which

reflected upon men from the wars, in ancient time.

There be now, for martial encouragement, some

degrees and orders of chivalry; which nevertheless

are conferred promiscuously, upon soldiers and

no soldiers; and some remembrance perhaps, upon

the scutcheon; and some hospitals for maimed sol-

diers; and such like things.  But in ancient times,

the trophies erected upon the place of the victory;

the funeral laudatives and monuments for those

that died in the wars; the crowns and garlands per-

sonal; the style of emperor, which the great kings

of the world after borrowed; the triumphs of the

generals, upon their return; the great donatives

and largesses, upon the disbanding of the armies;

were things able to inflame all men's courages.

But above all, that of the triumph, amongst the

Romans, was not pageants or gaudery, but one of

the wisest and noblest institutions, that ever was.

For it contained three things: honor to the general;

riches to the treasury out of the spoils; and dona-

tives to the army.  But that honor, perhaps were not

fit for monarchies; except it be in the person of the

monarch himself, or his sons; as it came to pass in

the times of the Roman emperors, who did impro-

priate the actual triumphs to themselves, and their

sons, for such wars as they did achieve in person;

and left only, for wars achieved by subjects, some

triumphal garments and ensigns to the general.
 
 

To conclude: no man can by care taking (as the

Scripture saith) add a cubit to his stature, in this

little model of a man's body; but in the great frame

of kingdoms and commonwealths, it is in the

power of princes or estates, to add amplitude and

greatness to their kingdoms; for by introducing

such ordinances, constitutions, and customs, as we

have now touched, they may sow greatness to

their posterity and succession.  But these things are

commonly not observed, but left to take their

chance.